Annual Overview of International Migration in Central and Eastern Europe - 2007

Fifteen commentaries from ten different countries on the important events and changes which took place in the field of migration last year

Annual Overview 2006 can be found here.

This year migrationonline.cz once again approached migration researchers, NGO employees, a state official and a representative of IOM to provide insight into migration events taking place in Central and Eastern Europe in 2007. Some of the trends, such as the economic growth of many of the new Central and Eastern European EU member countries, the lack of labour force and calls by employers for more liberal labour immigration policies, are even more visible than it was the case in 2006. Probably the most important event that has run across almost all of the commentaries is the accession of the 9 CEE countries into the Schengen area. Although the entry itself happened only at the end of 2007 and all of its consequences are still to be identified, a number of evaluations of the Schengen enlargement are made already by migration experts living both "in" and "out" of the Schengen area. Other topics that have been covered include changes in immigration, asylum and citizenship legislation, the politicisation of migration in countries of both emigration and immigration, political involvement of migrants, etc. These commentaries are not meant to be an exhaustive overview of the situation but rather to give some basic and useful information from different perspectives that may be complementary but also, at points, in conflict with each other.


Belarus
Czech Republic
Hungary
Italy
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Russia
Slovakia
Ukraine
Ukraine-Italy
International Organization for Migration, Budapest


These commentaries have been supported financially by the European Union within the project "Czechmade?" and the European Cultural Foundation.

Belarus

We have observed policies put in practice by both the EU and Belarusian authorities limiting the mobility of Belarusians, albeit for different reasons. It would be accurate to say that these changes were made as the result of tension between three tendencies: the change in status of Belarus' EU neighbours (Poland, Lithuania and Latvia) and their preparations for joining Schengen; the policies of the repressive, undemocratic and anti-Western Belarusian state; and the leverages the EU is striving to put on Belarus to change its political trajectory.

Regarding EU developments, the Schengen area enlargement has been connected to the growing militarisation of the EU-Belarusian border. The cost increase of Schengen visas for Belarusian citizens (the cost of a one-entry visa rose to 60 euros) and the complication of issuing visas to the EU neighbours basically cut the majority of Belarusians off from the EU. These difficulties mostly affect entrepreneurs - whose union publicly asked parliaments and governments of Schengen states to reduce the visa costs - as well as potential tourists. However, EU involvement in neighbouring countries has led to a selective Europeanisation for representatives of civil society, including social and political activists and Belarusian youth studying abroad.

On the side of Belarusian authorities, the politicisation of mobility is expressed in the abuse of laws designed to fight human trafficking - such as the current State Programme of Combating Human Trafficking, Illegal Migration and Related Illegal Actions for 2008-2010 adopted on December 6, 2007 - to control emigration in general. Its victims are the agencies placing Belarusians in work abroad, modelling agencies and matrimonial agencies. Another aspect of the politicisation of trans-border mobility in Belarus is the creation of a database of Belarusian citizens who cannot leave the country (Presidential Decree no. 643 from December 17, 2007). Already now it is clear that the decision concerning those who are in this database can be arbitrary since it is taken by the courts which have proved to be politically biased. Moreover, for some 'black-listed' categories, which include witnesses in civil cases, the criteria are too vague and reinforce the database's arbitrary nature. Other categories of citizens included in the database are those who are aware of a state secret, people who have been condemned by court, suspects in criminal cases, and people escaping military service or punishment. This database went into operation on January 1, 2008 and approximately 30 people find themselves in it every day when trying to leave the country.

Siarhei Liubimau
PhD candidate at the Graduate School for Social Research at the Polish Academy of Science, Warsaw and lecturer at the European Humanities University, Vilnius.

Czech Republic

"What could be better proof [of economic prosperity] than the fact that we are not going off into the world in larger numbers, even though we could now, and, on the other hand, the fact that our country is becoming a place people come to from elsewhere?" the Czech president reflected in his New Year's speech on 1.1.2008, when talking about the country's current economic growth and the rising immigration to the Czech Republic. In 2007, there were officially 392,087 labour migrants in the country, a year before that there were 321,456 (totals are as of December 31 in each case). However, consulates and the foreign police have not increased the number of staff dealing with visas and residence permits adequately which has resulted in long queues.

In 2007, the Ministry of Trade and Industry made the move to create a "green card programme", which would make labour migration to the Czech Republic easier, and which entrepreneurs and foreign investors had intensively sought. Its main motto is: "We do not want entrepreneurs to leave the country to find a labour force, but we want the labour force to come to them". The Ministry of Trade and Industry has thus come to appear as a new, more significant participant in the Czech Republic's migration policy, though as a result however, the green cards can strengthen the role of the Ministry of the Interior, which would issue them. If this proposal is realised, the green card would become a combination of a work permit and a residency permit. Another of its advantages is that it would be issued more quickly than in the regular procedures. Concerning the rights of foreigners, the fact that issuing these permits will not be subject to standardised administrative procedures and that the upholding of basic working conditions and salaries will not be sufficiently handled are the greatest problems.

In the area of labour migration, the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Labour have also supported a Charita Czech Republic' pilot project, which offers assistance to Ukrainians arranging work and visas to the Czech Republic. The goal is to provide an alternative to the exploitative service providers who organise migration to the Czech Republic.

Considering the fact that the Czech Republic has entered the Schengen zone and does not lie on the external borders of the EU, a change in the work of the Foreign Police has occurred. The focus of the checks has shifted toward greater controls on the legality of the stay of foreigners and its size has been decreased by a third, to 5000 police officers. Entrance into Schengen has also, among other things, brought about a harmonisation of short-term visas, the higher price of these visas and the utilisation of the common Schengen database of undesirables. At the same time, there has been a partial removal of the unequal rules for the stay of privileged foreigners from "the West", who used to extend their short-term stay by travelling to a neighbouring country once every three months. This practice, common among some American citizens and others from visa waiver countries, is no longer possible since the entry into the Schengen zone.

Marek Canek
Migrationonline.cz coordinator and doctoral student at the Institute for Political Science, Faculty of Arts, Charles University and Cefres.

***

The amendment to the law on the stay of foreigners and on asylum (law no. 379/2007 Coll.), which became active at the end of 2007, brought with it a significant shift in the area of foreigners' rights. No public debate preceded the change, and even in spite of the protests and lobbying of a coalition of more than 24 non-governmental organisations, their main objections were not considered.

One point of dispute concerned "fake" marriages and declaration of paternity. While prior to this amendment of the foreigners' law, it was the case that the family members of Czech citizens could apply for permanent residence immediately, now they can only do so after a period of two years. The Ministry of the Interior's argument for this was that the Czech Republic had been too liberal in this area in comparison with other European Union states and that the number of "fake" marriages and declaration of paternity was growing. Statistics on this growth in "fake" family ties, however, were not made public. Any sort of debate on the social or other impacts on the people involved was also lacking. On the basis of this amendment, all marriages and declarations of paternity between Czech citizens and foreigners from non-EU countries are treated in advance with the suspicion that their family ties are fabricated. As concerns access to permanent residence, the category of people who may apply for it in special cases following the completion of asylum proceedings was significantly reduced. Thus the practice, in which the state considered the fact that long-term seekers of international protection are already integrated into Czech society, and face complications when returning to their country of origin, is changing.

This amendment also makes a test in Czech language mandatory for permanent residence applicants. The proposal for the test's level of difficulty and other measures connected to it was not completed at the end of 2007. Considering the fact that beginning on 1.1.2009, migrants have to present confirmation that they have passed the test, and that the level of difficulty was not even clearly established at the end of last year, it can be expected that during the first years of its implementation, the test will not fulfil its initially declared pro-integration goal, but rather, will become a barrier to obtaining permanent residence due to delayed preparation.

The new legislation brought a series of controversial changes in the area of asylum as well. In the first place, the significant limitation on freedom of movement and stay of those seeking international protection in what is known as "airport proceedings" of up to 120 days. Up to now, no individual seeking international protection at the airport has gained asylum, which confirms the opinion that airport proceedings are conducted too hastily and with the aim of deportation. From the human rights perspective, the regulation that counts on the fact that a refugee who submits a request for international protection and who, at the same time, has entered the country either without authorisation to do so, who has remained there unauthorised immediately prior to submitting the request, whose identity has not been discovered, or who has proven his or her identity using falsified documents, will have to remain in the receiving centre for up to 120 days, is also unacceptable. This regulation simply does not reflect the fact that the illegal character of migration is a defining symbol of being a refugee.

Marie Jelinkova
Migrationonline.cz editor and a doctoral student at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University.

Pavla Burdova Hradecna
Lawyer at the non-governmental organisation, the Counselling Centre for Refugees, www.uprchlici.cz.

Hungary

Hungarian immigration policy in 2007 has been largely shaped by the harmonisation process and transposition of EC Directives, the Schengen acquis, the Hague Programme and other EU laws. Two new pieces of legislation became valid on July 1st 2007 related first to the Entry and Residence of Persons with the Right of Free Movement and Residence and second, to the Entry and Stay of Third Country Nationals. The incorporation and implementation of the relevant EC Directives into the national legislation resulted in the end of the infringement procedure that had been initiated by the European Commission against Hungary.

The ongoing adaptation to the EU developments may be termed an "eternal change" which is characterised by a lack of analysis of at least short and medium term impacts on provisions. The legitimacy of the legislation changes has stood apart from the European Union harmonisation on "public order rationale". The reform of the immigration authorities in 2006 and 2007 (e.g. regarding the regional offices, the Ministry of Justice and Interior, the post-Schengen integration of Border Guard within the Police force) has excluded strategic planning in the provision of integration services or making the procedures less bureaucratic.

There has been continuity with the pre-accession efforts and principles of migrant admission in law: an immigrant shall be self-subsistent and speak Hungarian - because this was the fact in past decades. Thus integration into society, the local community and labour market is supposed to be automatic. The state would provide only ethnic and community preferences and some human rights protection. A pro-active immigration policy, supportive measures targeting skilled labourers and active aging family members of settled employed migrants cannot yet be seen. It would be the role of the EU to give impetus to Hungary connecting migration policy with employment, economic competitiveness in a transparent, discussed way - perhaps in a post-Hague process.

The extended Schengen area means numerous advantages, and, to a great extent, frustrating aspects at the same time[1]. Despite the difference in standards of living in the eastern part of the Union from the developed member states, free movement is declared while transitional labour barriers are maintained and non-EU citizens and non-Schengen citizens living in very similar conditions across the borders of Schengenland are excluded from free movement. It means a new dividing line inside the Union and a new exclusionary external border for security expectations. The overemphasized security has pushed the safety measures, their social and service costs eastward. The Schengen Fund has contributed to security efforts, but the absorption and integration capacity for migrants in Hungary and other new Schengen countries in the CEE has remained limited. The full implementation of the Schengen acquis makes the social crisis, legal, institutional or financial shortages visible in the borderlands, which can threaten the EU's ability to manage its new external border effectively.

Judit Tóth
Specialist of Hungarian and EU migration law.

[1] See a Joint Policy Brief, No.3. February 2008: The Impact of the Enlarged Schengen Zone on the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy: From Proper Assessment to Pragmatic Adjustment. - By Judit Tóth, Péter Balázs, Alexander Duleba, Jiri Schneider and Eugeniusz Smolar within the "Strenghtening Central European Contribution to the Eastern Dimension of the CFSP" project.

Italy

The most important migration event of 2007[1] in Italy was the entry of Romania and Bulgaria in the European Union. The accession of these states led to a rapid influx of Romanian migrant workers in 2007 . Although these migrant workers are EU nationals, their migration to Italy was accompanied by a racist campaign, which climaxed in the autumn. The murder of an Italian woman by, presumably, a Romanian citizen sparked the government to enact a decree that allowed for the expulsion of EU nationals for public security reasons. Society has definitely become resentful of migrant workers, and the public labelling of Romanians as a 'dangerous category' has incited an increase in racist violence towards them. Furthermore, the media climate which developed around the event, called for the clearing of some camps of Roma, a social category of persons unwelcome by many local administrations, from both the right and left wings. By becoming EU nationals, Romanian workers should no longer succumb to being blackmailed for lacking a "permesso di soggiorno" (residence permit). However, their new position as EU nationals does not seem to grant them many opportunities to seek a better life and improved working conditions.

Last year it is also notable that irregular migrant workers in Italy (both EU nationals and foreign nationals) were consistently found to be more easily susceptible to be blackmailed and disciplined. Although the 2007 immigration quota decree (n. 279 - 30/11/07) made work permits available for 156 000 foreign workers, 600 000 people actually applied. The majority were already employed illegally in Italy. In 2006, the immigration quota decree (n. 55 - 07/03/06) became available for 170 000 foreign workers while 540 000 people applied. In response to this difficult situation, migrant workers reacted by organising numerous demonstrations in different Italian cities throughout the year. The most important was surely the one that took place in Brescia (a city in North-Italy) at the end of October. During this demonstration, 15 000 migrants called for changes in Italian legislation and for the closing of detention camps for migrants without "regular documents". These demonstrations were organised by grassroots organisations, trade unions and migrants' organisations. Citizens from Eastern Europe only played a minor role in these demonstrations.

Francesca Alice Vianello
Her doctoral dissertation in sociology deals with Ukrainian female migration to Italy; she collaborates with the Department of Sociology of Padua University.

Devi Sacchetto
Researcher of the Sociology of Labour at the Department of Sociology, University of Padua. He studies migration processes and the transformation of labour.

[1] The statistical data about the number of Romanians living in Italy at the end of 2007 has not been published yet. At the end of 2006 there were 556 thousand Romanian migrants which was almost the double the 2005 figure of 270 thousand (Caritas/Migrantes 2006, 2007).

Poland

Guided by an orientation to alleviate the high level of unemployment, Polish migration policy has thus far been limited to facilitating access to work abroad for Polish citizens while at the same time limiting labour immigration to Poland. The legislation on foreign access to the Polish labour market has been restrictive and has centred on the protection of domestic workers. However, the situation changed significantly after Poland had joined the EU and Polish citizens gained a free access to the labour markets of the UK, Ireland and Sweden. The departure of Polish workers abroad has created a deficit in the workforce, specifically in such areas as construction, agriculture, textiles, gastronomy, etc.

A more active Polish migration policy has manifested itself through institutional changes. The newly created Department of Migration of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy faces an ambitious task to construct a labour migration policy which would not only include immigration, but also emigration, as well as the economic and social integration of foreigners. In February 2007, an inter-ministerial body on migration issues composed of six expert working groups was also set up as an advisory body to the Prime Minister.

As a response to unending warnings from employers about the workforce deficit, a regulation of the Minister of Labour and Social Policy binding from July 20th gave citizens of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia the opportunity to perform short term labour without the obligation to have a work permit, in all sectors of economy (for a period of up to three months within six months of validating the visa for the purpose of work[1]). The aim of this regulation was to support economic sectors with large numbers of seasonal workers as well as to increase the attractiveness of legal employment among citizens of neighbouring countries, thus limiting the existence of irregular work and limited protection of migrant workers' rights. The next step in facilitating the employment of foreigners in Poland was a distinct reduction of the price of work permits.

Undoubtedly, the most important event was the entry of Poland into the Schengen area which will have an effect on the volume and character of migration flows. In the near future the Department of Migration is to create a new law regulating labour migration. One of the measures discussed to simplify administrative procedures is the idea of a single application procedure for the residence and work permit.

Emilia Malys
Department of Migration of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy of Poland.

***

The outflow of Polish migrants to EEA countries continued in 2007. According to various estimates, 800-900 thousand Poles conduct work in the EEA countries every year. Since Poland's 2004 entry into the EU, most Polish migrants have chosen Great Britain, Germany, Ireland and Italy as their main destination countries. However, other countries, including Spain, Holland, Sweden and Norway, are attracting more and more Poles.

Polish migration to countries of the European Union is commonly perceived as temporary migration. On the other hand, the periods spent abroad by Polish emigrants are becoming longer and longer, and there are some indicators of permanent settlement in the host countries. Due to a lack of sufficient data, it is impossible to estimate the scale of returns to Poland, although some signs of this trend have been noticed.

Polish migrants have become more active in forming Polish communities and standing up for their rights. Yet, at the same time, "new" Polish emigrants have kept close contact with their home country, indicated by the frequency of emigrants' travel back and forth and their investments in Poland. Additionally, thousands of Poles voted in Polish consulates across Europe during the October parliamentary elections.

In order to respond to the recent outflow of Polish workers, the economic growth and labour market shortages, Polish authorities introduced plans to attract a foreign labour force to Poland. The limited measures mainly concern seasonal work and are not expected to bring considerable changes in the overall migratory situation of Poland. Poland remains a relatively less attractive country for immigrants than most of its neighbours.

In addition to migration, a phenomenon of "trans-border life" could be also observed along the Polish western and southern borders, where inhabitants of border regions travel to work across the border. For example, some Poles buy houses in neighbouring German towns and commute to work to Poland.

The Schengen visa regime not only raised costs of entry into Poland, but also gave immigrants a possibility to travel across the other Schengen states. In other words, migrant workers have a choice between illegal work in Poland and illegal work in any other Schengen state. It is impossible to assess the overall results of joining Schengen in this field, but many sources from across the country report an outflow of refugees and, to a lesser degree, Ukrainian migrant workers to the West.

Justyna Frelak
Coordinator of the Migration and Eastern Policy Program at the Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw, www.isp.org.pl.

Miroslaw Bieniecki
Assistant professor at Warsaw School of Social Psychology. Expert and researcher at the Institute of Public Affairs.

***

Irregular labour migration to Poland has continued to prevail. Irregular workers, mostly from Ukraine, were not only deprived of insurance coverage, but they were also exposed to various abusive practices, including non-payment of wages and exploitation. Therefore, any solutions encouraging the legal employment of foreigners in 2007 deserve attention, for it can be expected that they would improve the condition of migrants.

Following last year's decrease in unemployment in Poland and the continuing economic emigration of Poles to Western-European countries, the Minister of Labour and Social Policy issued several decrees partially opening the labour market to immigrants. Since July 2007, citizens of neighbouring states - Russia, Ukraine and Belarus - no longer require work permits if they work for up to three months during any six-month period. They only need to possess a declaration from a Polish employer registered with the district labour office (a similar solution, but limited solely to farming, has been in force since August 2006).

Up to now, it is difficult to assess the actual impact of such changes for the situation of foreign workers. For example, in August 2007 during the first full month when the new regulations were in force, 3,815 foreigners made use of them, mostly Ukrainians - 3,470. This is not a staggering amount, and certainly, the majority of migrant workers continue to be employed illegally. Besides, Polish migration policy seems to reflect some contradictions. Although it has been liberated by the Ministry of Labour, significant restrictions related to issuing visas for citizens of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus have been introduced after Poland entered Schengen on 21st December 2007. The situation poses new challenges for the authorities in 2008. All in all, the 2007 decrees might be considered as an important first step towards the improvement of the migrant workers' position in Poland.

Dorota Hall
RAXEN Project, Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, www.hfhrpol.waw.pl/.

[1] As of February 2008 the time period was prolonged to up to six months within a period of twelve months.

Portugal

There has been an ongoing economic crisis in Portugal that was particularly intense in the main economic sectors where Eastern European immigrants had been working. Thus the number of Ukrainian immigrants that entered Portugal legally has diminished by 98 per cent during the last four years. Simultaneously, thousands of Eastern European immigrants have abandoned the country in recent years. According to official data in 2006, the number of foreign citizens from Ukraine, Russia and Moldova legally living in Portugal was 55 469. These numbers refer to foreigners holding a visa for permanent residence in Portugal and do not reflect the fact that a considerable but unknown portion of them no longer actually reside in Portugal. This rapid decrease in the number of Eastern European immigrants in Portugal seems to suggest the existence of a self-regulating mechanism for migratory flow, since immigration occurs in periods of higher job creation and decreases during inverse periods.

In 2007, Portugal enacted a new law regulating the entry, residence and expulsion of foreigners (Law 23/2007). Among the main innovations of this new legal framework is the granting of a temporary residence visa to immigrants intending to look for work in Portugal. This Law also allows for the regularisation of immigrants who in the past were already included in legalisation processes but who, due to bureaucratic reasons, had not yet managed to get their situation regularised. 2007 was also the year in which the conditions for acquiring Portuguese citizenship were ruled in accordance with the new nationality law. The most relevant changes introduced by this law were the reinforcement of jus soli (notwithstanding these changes, the law continues to prioritize jus sanguinis). This law also facilitates the acquisition of Portuguese citizenship by naturalisation for second generation immigrants' children. These two new laws will contribute to new challenges regarding immigration and immigrant integration in Portugal.

Pedro Gois
University of Porto and Centre for Social Studies, Coimbra, Portugal (pedrogois@ces.uc.pt).

Jose Carlos Marques
Portuguese Catholic University and Centre for Social Studies Coimbra, Portugal (jlaranjo@ces.uc.pt).

Romania

Last year was marked not by an exodus but rather a slight increase of Romanians abroad, following the country's accession to the EU. It is estimated that more than 1.5 million Romanians were working abroad in 2007. The main destination for migrant workers has been Italy where more than half of them reside[1]. In 2007 the number of new temporary migrants from Romania to Italy ranged from about 60 000 to 100 000[2]. Partial empirical evidence indicates a significant change in the composition of Romanian temporary emigration. It seems that both low- and high-skilled workers took advantage of the open borders that Romania's EU membership allowed for. The emigration of skilled physicians and health care workers from Romania to more developed EU countries is a well-documented phenomenon[3]. The emerging process is of high negative consequences for a country with a poor health situation as revealed by the very high infant mortality rate (13.9‰ in 2006) in the European context. On the other end of the spectrum, the number of low-skilled migrant workers seeking employment abroad increased as well, particularly in those countries that are more hospitable to the undocumented employment of immigrants.

The segmented labour market situation in certain destination countries, such as Italy and Spain, contributed greatly to the stream of temporary economic migrants from Romania working in the construction industry after 1990[4]. As a result, a clear shortage in the labour force of Romania's construction industry appeared, especially after 2006[5]. The Romanian labour market must now compensate for such shortages either by welcoming immigrant workers from other countries, or by stimulating the return migration of Romanians.

The institutional reactions to such changes are visible in new regulations on immigration (Emergency Ordinances of the Government 55/2007 and 56/2007) and in bilateral interactions, especially with those governments in countries with a large number of Romanian immigrants.

Romanian Diasporas from different countries were very active through association (e.g. FEDROM -Federation of Romanian Immigrants Associations from Spain or PIR Romanian Identity Party from Italy) and communication actions structured around websites (Romaniaitalia.net or Repere Romanesti).

Dumitru Sandu
Sociologist, University of Bucharest.

[1] http://www.fsd.ro/

[2] http://english.hotnews.ro/

[3] http://www.romedic.ro/

[4] Dumitru Sandu (coord.), Living abroad on a temporary basis. The Romanians and the economic migration: 1990-2006, Bucuresti: OSF, 2006

[5] Monica Serban, Alexandru Toth, Piata fortei de munca si imigratia in Romania, Bucuresti: FSR, 2007, http://www.osf.ro/ro/publicatii.php#

Russia

Migration policy in Russia under President Putin has evolved from a restrictive one, at the beginning of his term in office, to one of the most liberal in the territory of the former Soviet Union (FSU). Uncertainty in the late 1990s and the war on international terrorism fuelled feelings in the Kremlin that Russia was a sort of 'besieged' state where illegal migration is one of the most pressing "soft" security threats. While the 2000 National Security Concept of the Russian Federation emphasised migration as a challenge rather than as a chance to solve the urgent demographic issues in Russia, a more active approach to solving the demographic and labour market concerns has appeared since 2004.

The authorities decided to both stimulate the country's birth rate (e.g. the "National Project" which grants 'maternity capital' of 10 000 USD to a family with two or more children) and to change the stance towards immigration by opening the doors for labour migration and the settlement of ethnic Russians residing in the territory of the FSU. A special national program was started in 2006 for the accommodation of ethnic Russians that had immigrated. While only 890 people utilized this program in 2007, there is potential for growth as there were more than 33 000 applications for resettlement in Russia by 2008. Labour migration has been more substantial as it compensated for about half of Russia's loss in population in 2007 (contrary to just 13 percent in 2006). According to the 2007 United Nations Report, Russia is the second biggest importer of labour after the United States with 12.9 million immigrants who work mostly in construction in big cities such as Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Following the new 2007 migration laws 2.1 million foreigners received work permits in Russia. While legal migration has grown, it is estimated that illegal migration fell twofold. This should have positive effects for the collection of tax revenues as well as for the improvement of the conditions for labour migrants. The new migration rules are simpler and more transparent, allowing for better migration control than ever before following the collapse of the USSR. However, federal and regional databases about labour vacancies are still lacking. Certain activities have also been prohibited for foreigners, such as collective farm market retail which was previously dominated by ethnic groups as well as operations with medicine and alcohol. The old quota system for immigration is still practiced and every year the Federal Migration Service of Russia sets the limits for immigration.

Nikita A. Lomagin
Professor, Department of World Economy, St. Petersburg State University. Fields of interests: International Organizations, Russian Foreign and Security Policy.

Slovakia

One of the most significant events concerning migration was Slovakia's entry into the Schengen area on December 21st 2007. Most of the legal and illegal migrants living in Slovakia expect that travelling abroad, especially to Western Europe, will now become easier. However, the situation will worsen for those migrants trying to get to Slovakia across the 98 kilometres long Schengen Ukrainian-Slovak border because of its increased protection. In order to protect the refugees' right to enter Slovakia and seek asylum, an agreement was signed between the UNHCR, Slovakia's Ministry of Interior Border and Aliens Police Office and The Human Rights League NGO to monitor the Slovak border and airports.

In 2007, a new Asylum Act was introduced in Slovakia; however, further changes have been announced. One of the key positive effects of the act, which can already be observed, is the introduction of subsidiary protection. Subsidiary protection is a form of protection for foreigners which temporarily grants residence for the period of one year if there exists a real threat that the foreigner after his/her return to the country of origin would suffer serious harm (such as death penalty, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, serious and individual threat to life or personal integrity by reason of violence in situations of armed conflict). This type of protection primarily benefits most Iraqi asylum-seekers. Given the current trend in Slovakia where only a limited number of refugee statuses are granted - in 2007, 14 asylum applications were approved - the subsidiary protection has become a loophole for the unsuccessful asylum-seekers. In 2007, the subsidiary protection was granted to 82 people.

Another amendment is the Citizenship Act which was enforced on October 1, 2007. The amendment is supposed to enable more thorough checking of the applicants for Slovak citizenship "given the increasing danger of organised crime and international terrorism." It seeks to tighten the conditions for granting Slovak citizenship by prolonging the period of required preceding permanent residence from 5 to 8 years (in the case of a spouse to 5 years and in that of asylum-seekers to 4 years), testing their knowledge of Slovak language by a three member committee, and prolonging the deadline for deciding on an application from 9 to 24 months.

Migrants usually succeed in the Slovak labour market because of the country's continuously improving economy. Many asylum seekers take advantage of a former amendment to the Asylum Act that allows them to work if their applications have been processed for more than one year.

In autumn 2007, a new Department of Migration and Integration of Foreigners at Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family of Slovak Republic was created. Currently, the Department works on integration (migration) policies to suggest solutions in the area of labour migration.

Milan Zboril
Slovak Refugee Council NGO, src@srcsk.eu, www.srcsk.eu.

Ukraine

The external border of the European Union (the western border of Ukraine with Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) also became the border of the Schengen area on December 21st 2007. This segment of the border is a part of "the first line" of EU defence in the struggle against illegal migration and trans-border criminality. Ukraine hopes that intensifying the security on the EU-Ukraine border will not be a barrier for good neighbourly relations.

Realising the proclaimed course on European integration, Ukraine views the widening of free movement in the territory of all EU countries with the Schengen enlargement favourably. At the same time, reinforcing the main controlling instruments on the border with our country create fear among our citizens concerning the creation of an "iron curtain" on the border. In the long run, the Ukrainian administration aims to abolish the need for Ukrainian citizens to possess visas when entering the EU. The first steps towards eventually reaching the (mutual) visa-free regime are signing agreements with neighbouring EU countries on local border traffic and reaching an agreement between Ukraine and the EU on the simplification of processing visas.

In regard to the local border traffic for people living in the border areas in Western Ukraine, an agreement between Ukraine and Hungary has already been signed, and is thus a real condition for the regional development and a new reversal of the trans-border cooperation. This agreement simplifies travel across the border for 384 Ukrainian and 244 Hungarian settlements along the common Hungarian-Ukrainian border. However, the number of permits on small border traffic to be given out is limited at this stage. For example, the Hungarian consulate in Uzhgorod plans to issue about 25,000 such permits during 2008, which allow for visa-free travel in the border area. The inhabitants of Transcarpathia can also apply for the national and Schengen visas. The newly opened Hungarian consulate in Berehove, an area largely inhabited by members of the Hungarian minority, is expected to issue the greatest portion of the permits. As of 1st February 2008, the consulate in Berehovo issued 2341 permits on small border traffic and 762 Schengen visas and the one in Uzhgorod issued 1416 permits and 1044 Schengen visas.

Similar agreements between Ukraine and Slovakia as well as Ukraine and Poland are to be signed in the first months of 2008. Ukraine would like the area used for the local border traffic up to 50 km from the border (the maximum the EU allows) which has been one of the main points discussed in the bilateral negotiations of the agreements.

Svitlana Mytryayeva
Head of the Regional Branch of the National Institute for Strategic Studies in Uzhgorod, riac@mail.uzhgorod.ua.

Ukraine - Italy

Though labour migrants were a significant political force during the Orange Revolution, their role has been more neglected than recognised by the current president Yushchenko. He failed to fulfil his promises of increasing places of work and retirement money for returned migrants. Trying to avoid similar mistakes, the Parliamentary re-election campaign of 2007 has addressed Ukrainians abroad. Thus, the current Prime Minister Tymoshenko went as far as making a documentary about Ukrainian domestic workers in Naples ("Mother and Step Mother"), in which she not only discusses their problems with migrants in the streets but also makes highly emotional commentaries in the movie herself. Though shot in August 2007, the documentary premiered on Ukrainian TV three days before the elections, while Tymoshenko herself testified that irrespective of the election outcome, her party will make labour migration and specifically the return of migrants home its priority.

In Italy, the fact that labour migrants are becoming attractive as a political voice and potential voters has garnered significant hope among various Ukrainians, who are strengthening their role in migrant activism. Thus 2007 has witnessed a slowly growing practice of inviting migrants of different ethnicities to act as consultants and occupy other positions within cities and district administrations. For example since 2007 Tetiana Kuzyk, a Ukrainian migrant, has been an advisor on Ukrainian migrants' issues in the city administration in Rome. In another case, the newly forming political party Partito Democratico is securing places not only for Italian citizens but also those who have residence permits in Italy; thus, they have invited 2 Ukrainian women to represent the interests of the Ukrainian community within their party.

However, time will prove whether all these initiatives will bring real positive changes in the status and legal rights of labour migrants. So far, most of the moves have remained unique and symbolic gestures. However, these public gestures can open some public space and avenues for pursuing labour migrants' interests on the political level.

Olena Fedyuk
PhD student in sociology and social anthropology (CEU, Budapest) dealing with the comparison of migration strategies of two generations of migrants from Ukraine to Italy.

International Organization for Migration, Budapest

Firstly, not surprisingly for the Central and Eastern European region, we see the continuing process of European integration as important and secondly, linked to integration, the increasing focus on labour migration.

European integration embraces a continually growing number of European countries into ever-closer cooperation on migration. The progress and accession of both Bulgaria and Romania, as well as the advancement of the eight Central European EU Members who just joined the Schengen area, sets the example for the group next in the pipeline-the countries in the Western Balkans. In the Western Balkans, the candidates (Croatia and FYROM), and the countries that are negotiating or have already concluded Stability and Adjustment Agreements (SAA), continue their development work. In migration, IOM assists these countries in i.a. border control, assisted voluntary returns, counter-trafficking and, increasingly, labour migration between the EU and the Western Balkans. EU enlargement in 2007 brought the Union to the Black Sea, where these same migration challenges are topical as well.

Western Europe continues to absorb workers from CEE, but governments in countries such as Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, and Romania are concerned with the growing labour shortages in their own markets, a phenomenon aggravated by the westbound exodus. This is a vicious circle for the latter group of countries, because the lack of labour force hampers their economic development and may prevent them catching up with the wealthier states; which in turn keeps up migration pressure. As the whole of Europe is searching for ways to counterbalance the population decline and competing for labour force the challenge remains, especially for the EU, to make labour migration more balanced, finding ways to avoid recycling shortages from one country to another.

Argentina Szabados
Regional Representative of the International Organization for Migration's Regional Mission for Central and South Eastern Europe, Budapest, www.iom.hu.